Chapter 32

In the afternoon of September 1, 1905, during a lecture, Chen Ke shouted a slogan for the first time in a public speech. Before this, Chen Ke had always tried to explain the revolution with a calm attitude. Chen Ke did not like slogans; no matter how many slogans were shouted, it did not mean that practical problems could be solved. In the era of Chen Ke's growth, China entered a phase of governance by engineers. It was more about doing than talking.

Moreover, even when looking at the party's history, Chen Ke firmly believed that the party did not win by talking but by countless arduous efforts. Chen Ke could raise the banner of the People's Party, and his comrades were willing to gather around him because Chen Ke could solve problems.

After Chen Ke shouted the slogan "Study for the Rise of China," the already enthusiastic students suddenly became even more excited. After so much groundwork by Chen Ke, this slogan seemed perfectly natural.

Looking at the excited students below, and seeing the young students applauding and cheering for him, Chen Ke had a determined look on his face as he raised his left hand. This gesture was subconsciously imitating a mustachioed figure, but it sparked even greater enthusiasm among the students.

However, beneath Chen Ke's seemingly determined exterior, his engineering nature had already overcome the momentary excitement. Chen Ke calmly concluded, "As a public lecture and a propaganda activity for the revolution, shouting slogans is necessary. Just like in an experiment, certain reagents are essential."

The students, who had been greatly inspired, surrounded the stage, blocking Chen Ke from leaving. You Gou, who was below the stage, urged Chen Ke to say more. Chen Ke had to shout, "That's all for today; we'll continue tomorrow." But the students' demands could not be easily quelled.

You Gou naturally supported Chen Ke's lecture, but he still had to make medicine that evening; the party's work could not be delayed. You Gou looked at his watch again. It was already 5:30 PM.

Almost at the same moment, with similar watch faces and identical movements, Qiu Jin also looked at her wristwatch. Japan had entered the largest shadow on Earth earlier than China, and it was already completely dark.

Unlike Shanghai, it was a sunny day in Japan. Before entering the tavern, Qiu Jin could see the bright Venus in the sky. This time, Qiu Jin came to the hotel to have dinner with Chen Tianhua and then prepare to return to China.

The preparatory meeting for the Tongmenghui (Alliance) was nearing its conclusion. The situation could be described as both good and bad. On this matter, Qiu Jin felt quite perplexed.

On the afternoon of August 13, 1905, at 2 PM, Chinese students in Japan gathered at the Fuji Building in Kudan, Tokyo, to welcome Sun Yat-sen. Despite it being the summer vacation, over 1,800 people attended the meeting. Those who arrived later could not get in and stood on the street, looking up at the building, numbering about 700. Sun Yat-sen, dressed in a white suit, walked into the venue calmly, and the entire hall erupted in applause. Since the Tokyo students' gatherings, there had never been such a grand occasion. After Song Jiaoren's welcoming speech, Sun Yat-sen gave a two-hour speech.

He said, "Now, China must be awakened by its 400 million citizens. Today is the first day of our awakening. From now on, we must use all our strength to promote this reform. We must put our hearts into making China rise, and there is no way China will not rise." He called for the abandonment of the monarchy and the adoption of the most civilized political and legal systems on Earth to save China, aiming to build a first-class republic in the 20th century. The applause was thunderous and long-lasting.

Qiu Jin did not know that in history, Chen Tianhua had cheered Sun Yat-sen, calling him "the representative of our 400 million people, the hero of Chinese heroes!" Qiu Jin knew that after Chen Tianhua went to Shanghai, there was no news of him. On August 5, Song Jiaoren in Japan received a letter from Chen Tianhua, saying he would return to Japan in a few days with important news. After that, there was no further news.

As the founding meeting of the Tongmenghui approached, Chen Tianhua still had not appeared, which was unexpected. Everyone was very worried that Chen Tianhua might have been arrested by the Qing officials, as he was still wanted. Huang Xing, who had participated in uprisings with Chen Tianhua, was particularly anxious. It was Qiu Jin who persuaded Chen Tianhua to meet with Chen Ke. Although she did not dare to say it directly to everyone, Qiu Jin herself was even more worried. It wasn't until August 16, four days before the founding of the Tongmenghui, that Chen Tianhua finally arrived, looking travel-worn. Although everyone complained, they all breathed a sigh of relief.

Chen Tianhua returned in high spirits. The day after his return, Qiu Jin invited Chen Tianhua to dinner. During the meal, they discussed Chen Tianhua's trip to Shanghai and his interactions with Chen Ke. Chen Tianhua highly praised Chen Ke's talents and told Qiu Jin about Chen Ke's efforts to build the People's Party and his recent activities. Learning that Chen Ke was thriving in Shanghai, Qiu Jin was very pleased for him. Chen Tianhua paid for the meal, and despite his usually tight budget, this was enough to show Qiu Jin that Chen Tianhua had been treated as a distinguished guest by Chen Ke.

However, the pleasant reunion did not last long.

Chen Tianhua was an important figure in the establishment of the Tongmenghui. As a key member of the Huaxinghui in Hunan, Chen Tianhua was a trusted lieutenant of Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren. Two days later, Qiu Jin heard that Chen Tianhua and Song Jiaoren had had multiple arguments. The Tongmenghui was mainly a joint effort between the Huaxinghui from Hunan and the Xingzhonghui from Guangdong.

However, the various parties were not in a subordinate relationship, so when Qiu Jin learned of the conflict between Chen Tianhua and Song Jiaoren, it was from a fellow student who lived with Chen Tianhua. It didn't take long for Qiu Jin to understand why such a conflict had occurred.

On August 20, at the first meeting after the establishment of the Tongmenghui, Chen Tianhua proposed his own ideas. He hoped to establish a political party with a clear political program. This program was not just a vague outline but a complete set of political theories and a political program based on these theories. As a famous propagandist and a key contributor to the Min Bao (People's Journal), Chen Tianhua's proposal was met with great interest. Everyone wanted to hear what political theory Chen Tianhua had in mind.

Chen Tianhua "lived up to expectations" and proposed the idea of "reducing rent and interest, uniting workers and peasants." He discussed the flaws of private land ownership and proposed the idea of building a new industrialized China.

As Chen Tianhua passionately expounded on his ideas, no one in the meeting spoke. After Chen Tianhua finished, the room fell silent. Qiu Jin remembered that Chen Tianhua's expression changed from enthusiasm to confusion.

The first to speak was Sun Yat-sen, who politely expressed his opposition. Sun Yat-sen believed that the immediate priority was to overthrow the Qing dynasty. Only after seizing national power could they discuss Chen Tianhua's policies.

Hu Hanmin, a key member of the Xingzhonghui from Guangdong, then spoke in support of Sun Yat-sen. Hu Hanmin was more straightforward, stating that the immediate priority was to establish a new government, at least a provincial one, as the Huaxinghui had hoped. Moreover, Hu Hanmin bluntly stated that the people could not be relied upon. The Xingzhonghui had done a lot of propaganda in Guangdong, but few had responded to the revolution. Instead of relying on the people, it was better to rely on fellow countrymen.

Faced with such opposition, Chen Tianhua did not lose heart. He emphasized that establishing a political party with a clear program and a tight organization was the most urgent need. Without such an organization, the revolutionary forces were too weak to face the Qing dynasty. With the diverse revolutionary attitudes, if they could not unify politically and form a consensus now, the unity of the Tongmenghui would be severely compromised in the future.

Chen Tianhua's speech did receive some support, and it was clear that Huang Xing was more supportive. Sun Yat-sen, with his round, kind face, asked, "Xing Tai, what is the main idea of this political program?"

"At least, I don't think 'equalization of land rights' is necessary," said Jiang Yue, a member of the Guangfuhui, in response to Sun Yat-sen's sixteen-character program: "Expel the Tartars, restore China, establish a republic, and equalize land rights."

The Guangfuhui did not have good relations with other parties. As a representative of the Guangfuhui, Qiu Jin was well aware of the multiple conflicts. Politically, the Guangfuhui aimed to overthrow the Qing dynasty but did not oppose the monarchy. In fact, many members of the Guangfuhui openly stated that the monarchy was superior to a constitutional monarchy. The Guangfuhui's ideal was to establish a new Han Chinese dynasty.

In terms of resources, the Guangfuhui members were relatively wealthy and could easily find financial supporters. Therefore, they did not support the excessive promises and large sums of money raised by the group led by Sun Yat-sen.

On a personal level, the members of the Guangfuhui valued their integrity. Tao Chengzhang, for example, had publicly criticized the dissolute lifestyle of the Xingzhonghui members in Guangdong.

The reason the Guangfuhui joined the Tongmenghui was that they had launched multiple uprisings, all of which had failed. In this situation, the Guangfuhui hoped to join the Tongmenghui to build more connections and support each other in future uprisings. Even so, there was significant internal disagreement within the Guangfuhui, with some members declaring they would never join the Tongmenghui and would launch their own revolution if the Guangfuhui joined. "The Guangfuhui will never cooperate with those fake foreigners from America."

The so-called "fake foreigners from America" referred to Sun Yat-sen. Many members of the Guangfuhui had a strong aversion to Sun Yat-sen. Qiu Jin did not understand how things had come to this.

Upon hearing this, Hu Hanmin immediately retorted, and the atmosphere of the meeting became tense. Chen Tianhua was left in an awkward position, watching his comrades argue.

In the following days, the debate over the political program of the Tongmenghui continued. Chen Tianhua again tried to explain his ideas. This time, the various factions gave Chen Tianhua the opportunity to speak, but Qiu Jin was surprised to see Chen Tianhua struggle to continue. Usually, Chen Tianhua spoke eloquently about the revolution, discussing various injustices in China with passion and insight. But this time, his political ideas seemed hesitant and contradictory. He barely managed to conclude his speech and sat down.

This approach did not convince his comrades. Not only did members of other factions disagree, but even Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, who were also from the Huaxinghui, did not support Chen Tianhua. The matter did not end there. Chen Tianhua, who usually spoke boldly, began to listen more than he spoke. The Tongmenghui assigned Chen Tianhua to handle secretarial work, but he seemed reluctant to take on the role.

These were minor issues, but on August 25, Qiu Jin heard that Chen Tianhua and Song Jiaoren had another argument and parted on bad terms. The two had always worked well together, and now that this had happened, Qiu Jin, who had initially been skeptical, had to believe that the meeting with Chen Ke had a significant impact on Chen Tianhua.

Today, Qiu Jin had invited Chen Tianhua to dinner to ask about this. With a woman's intuition, Qiu Jin did not come out with Chen Tianhua directly. They had agreed to meet at 7 PM, and Qiu Jin arrived early. As an important member of the Tongmenghui, she was very busy and could not always think about this matter. She came early to gather her thoughts. She had not seen Chen Ke for a long time and wanted to think about Chen Ke's affairs.

Even now, Qiu Jin could still remember the first time she met Chen Ke. The young man in strange clothing, with a slightly anxious and puzzled look, was vivid in her memory. It was hard to say whether Chen Ke had changed or if Qiu Jin had never truly understood him.

Chen Ke was very familiar with this era, or rather, he knew exactly who to collaborate with. Chen Ke was always quick to discard those who had no value to him. This was true in his interactions with her and with Xu Xilin. However, blaming Chen Ke for this would be unfair. The watch Chen Ke gave her, which was of great value, was not just a casual gift. Not only You Gou but also Japanese friends who knew the value of the watch praised it highly. Xu Xilin had only introduced Chen Ke to Shanghai, but Chen Ke still gave him 300 taels of silver. In those days, revolution was expensive, and Chen Ke did not have much money at the time.

However, Chen Ke dared to interact with people like You Gou, and even Hu Xiongmao, who had previously clashed with Chen Ke, was now close to him. In contrast, Qiu Jin and Xu Xilin seemed like strangers. After meeting Chen Ke, Chen Tianhua was also different. What was Chen Ke up to?

Qiu Jin decided to ask Chen Tianhua carefully, and she would soon return to Shanghai. This time, she would not let Chen Ke off easily and would find out what he was doing.

Chen Tianhua entered the tavern at 6:45 PM. Seeing that Qiu Jin had already arrived, he hurried over to apologize. The innkeeper, in the traditional Japanese half-bow, came over. Qiu Jin casually ordered a few dishes and asked, "Xing Tai, I heard you had a small disagreement with Mr. Song?"

"It's nothing, just some minor issues," Chen Tianhua replied. Qiu Jin did not believe him. From Chen Tianhua's face, she could tell that it was not a minor issue. They must have argued quite intensely.

"Xing Tai, Wen Qing was introduced to you by me. If there's anything wrong, you can speak freely," Qiu Jin said.

Chen Tianhua raised his small wine cup and drank the sake in one gulp. He then said with a slight smile, "Miss Qiu, I am very grateful to you for introducing me to such a talented person as Wen Qing. Among the revolutionaries I have met, few can match Wen Qing."

"Who are the few who can match Wen Qing? Can you tell me, Xing Tai?" Qiu Jin asked with a teasing smile, pouring more wine for Chen Tianhua.

It was clear that Chen Tianhua took this joke seriously. He thought carefully but did not speak. This surprised Qiu Jin. Chen Tianhua was not one to speak falsely or criticize others. His silence suggested that he could not find anyone who could match Chen Ke.

Who did Chen Tianhua interact with? People like Song Jiaoren, Huang Xing, and even Sun Yat-sen, all famous revolutionaries. As Qiu Jin hesitated about whether to continue asking, Chen Tianhua spoke first. "Miss Qiu, the revolution Wen Qing advocates seems the same as ours, but it is fundamentally different. Wen Qing advocates a revolution of the people, not a revolution of the propertied class."

Qiu Jin remembered Chen Ke's speech at Cai Yuanpei's house and was not surprised by Chen Tianhua's statement. "Wen Qing has always advocated this."

Chen Tianhua shook his head. "It's different, very different."

"How so?"

"In Wen Qing's view, the Qing dynasty is just an obstacle, so he wants to destroy it. Wen Qing