Chapter 36 of 100

Chapter 36

12 min read3,040 words

A simple red cloth was hung on the wall, with no hem, looking rough and unfinished. "We Chinese like the color red; seeing red also makes us think of revolution. Let's temporarily set the party flag as a red flag. As for the emblem on it, we won't be able to decide that today. We'll discuss it in a future meeting when we have the time," Chen Ke said in a serious tone.

No one raised any objections. With so much work to do now, it was indeed unnecessary to spend too much time on this.

Chen Tianhua was quite moved. Whether it was the Huaxing Society or the Tongmenghui, they spent a great deal of time on the details of their flags and emblems. Especially the Tongmenghui, where Chen Tianhua was in Shanghai at the time. Later, he heard about the situation, which was truly a farce.

When discussing the flag of the Tongmenghui and the future flag of the Republic of China, there were intense debates from all sides. Sun Yat-sen strongly advocated for the Blue Sky with a White Sun flag, but there were many objections. Some suggested the 18-star flag, some the Golden Melon Axe flag, Liao Zhongkai proposed the Well Flag, and others the Five-Color Flag. Huang thought the Blue Sky with a White Sun flag was not aesthetically pleasing, so Sun Yat-sen added a red background, creating the Blue Sky with a White Sun on a Red Field flag, which still did not pass. After Liu Kuiyi's mediation, various proposals were left unresolved. Although the national flag was not standardized, the revolutionary army later used the Blue Sky with a White Sun on a Red Field flag as their symbol, and Huang Xing, as the commander-in-chief, did not oppose it for the sake of the bigger picture.

To discuss the flag of the Tongmenghui, it took more than three days and several revisions. The so-called "future Republic of China" was far away. The members of the Tongmenghui were overseas, many of them under arrest warrants, and they could not even legally appear in public. Yet, they spent so much energy discussing and arguing about the flag of this illusory future country, and the flag proposal was still "left unresolved."

Chen Tianhua was very clear that it was not that the flag was really that difficult to design. Rather, all parties wanted to use the flag and emblem to promote their political ideologies and establish their political ideas as the mainstream.

Compared to the People's Party, the Tongmenghui was a group of loosely allied factions with no unified political program. Even on the most basic political system, the Tongmenghui could not reach a consensus. Sun Yat-sen advocated completely copying the American model. The Huaxing Society, after accepting Sun Yat-sen's concept of nation-building, formed an alliance with him. Before that, the Huaxing Society had no political system for a new China, only the goal of establishing its own armed force to eliminate the Qing forces in Hunan. As for the Guangfuhui, they hoped to establish a new dynasty and had no interest in a republican system.

The People's Party was completely different. They had already established their political ideology before the party was founded. Chen Tianhua himself admitted that this political ideology was far superior to those of the Tongmenghui.

Looking at the People's Party comrades around him, including himself, there were only eight people in total. Compared to the number of people who attended the founding conference of the Tongmenghui, this was nothing. However, the complexity of their backgrounds was no less. This party, which should have been filled with intense arguments, did not have any such issues. Chen Tianhua remembered how, in the Tongmenghui meetings, people argued endlessly over trivial matters that now seemed insignificant. If Chen Tianhua had not met Chen Ke and had not studied dialectical materialism with him, he might have also been caught in this chaotic whirlpool.

When Chen Tianhua tried to present his political ideology at the Tongmenghui meeting, he suddenly found something very amusing. Why did the comrades from various factions engage in seemingly pointless arguments? Chen Tianhua suddenly understood. Sun Yat-sen and other overseas Chinese did not consider China their country. Their goal was to seize leadership of China. Standing on a so-called moral high ground was essential for Sun Yat-sen. Since China was not under his leadership, any compromise or "advanced ideas" he proposed would not cost him anything. As long as someone responded to him, it was pure gain.

The Guangfuhui, rooted in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, aimed to protect the interests of the local gentry threatened by foreign powers. They absolutely had to protect the landowners, who were the true core of China. They hoped to establish a new dynasty that could protect the economic interests of the landowners and resist foreign invasion.

Chen Ke had already clearly told Chen Tianhua about the attitudes of these parties. But at the time, Chen Tianhua thought Chen Ke was "judging the virtuous by the standards of the wicked." It was only after meeting these "virtuous" people himself that Chen Tianhua realized Chen Ke had not deceived or slandered them.

Standing in the meeting room, Chen Tianhua understood that the people's revolution concept he proposed would undoubtedly be opposed by the Jiang-Zhe Guangfuhui. Sun Yat-sen might also not accept this more advanced concept, as Chen Tianhua was "stealing his business." Therefore, Chen Tianhua, who was usually eloquent and articulate, appeared hesitant and vague. He was also observing the effects of his words. Whenever the concept of people's revolution was mentioned, the representatives from the landowning class would frown, and the faces of Sun Yat-sen and other overseas factions would show disapproval. Once Chen Tianhua changed his approach to align with a particular faction's ideology, the members of that faction would look satisfied, while the opposing factions would show dissatisfaction.

After Chen Tianhua finished speaking, he realized that his entire speech was a completely contradictory and twisted set of ideas. Compared to the systematic political ideology proposed by Chen Ke, Chen Tianhua felt ashamed and wished he could bury himself in the ground. This was why Chen Tianhua gave up his position within the Tongmenghui and returned to the People's Party with a group of young people who could accept the materialist historical view.

He was thoroughly disappointed with the Tongmenghui.

Before deciding to leave, Chen Tianhua had a deep conversation with Song Jiaoren. Song Jiaoren had no concept of people's revolution and was instinctively uninterested. Song Jiaoren had become a constitutional republican. No matter how Chen Tianhua tried to persuade him, Song Jiaoren remained "obstinate" and strongly disapproved of Chen Tianhua's "unrealistic" idea of people's revolution.

So Chen Tianhua made his final decision to leave Japan and the Tongmenghui.

What is the people, what is society, what is the country, what is the class. The political ideology of the People's Party did not avoid these fundamental questions but instead strove to explain them clearly and reveal the true nature of the world. The comrades were eager to learn and understand this straightforward political ideology. At least Chen Tianhua himself felt this way. The party's political program was like a magnet, drawing Chen Tianhua to it and making him want to get closer.

The People's Party devoted almost all its efforts to the theoretical aspects that the Tongmenghui dared not or was unwilling to touch and deepen. Therefore, when the red cloth was hung on the wall and Chen Ke asked everyone to swear an oath to the party, no one raised any objections. This was unimaginable in the Tongmenghui but was natural in the People's Party.

Chen Ke faced everyone, his back to the party flag, standing at attention, raised his right hand to shoulder level, and clenched his fist. The other seven comrades stood in a row facing the red flag, raising their right hands in the same posture.

"I swear," Chen Ke said.

"I swear," the comrades said together.

"I voluntarily join the Chinese People's Party."

"I support the party's program."

"I abide by the party's constitution."

"..."

At first, their voices were not in unison, and some comrades, like He Zudao, sounded hesitant and uneasy. As they followed Chen Ke in reciting the oath, their voices became more harmonious, and their emotions gradually stabilized and became more enthusiastic. Being with like-minded comrades made everyone feel more powerful.

"I keep the party's secrets."

"I am loyal to the party."

"I work actively."

"..."

When Chen Ke took the oath in the past, he thought these oaths were just ordinary requirements, a mere formality. As he worked hard to establish the People's Party, he increasingly understood the importance of these oaths. The party members of the past were ordinary people, neither superhuman nor capable of flying. Yet, the party's journey was truly etched in Chinese history, and all the members fulfilled their promises, achieving unprecedented great deeds. When leading the comrades in reciting the oath, Chen Ke did not observe them as he had expected. Instead, he was somewhat worried. As the founder of the party, could he set an example and live up to the oath? Could his words and actions meet the standards of a party member? Chen Ke was not very confident.

"I am always ready to sacrifice everything for the party and the people."

"I will never betray the party!"

The oath was not long and quickly ended. Before the oath, Chen Ke had already shown the oath to everyone. After reciting the last sentence, all the comrades were somewhat excited, and some looked at Chen Ke, unsure of what to do next. The oath was just an oath, not a magic spell. Nothing earth-shattering would happen after reciting it. The high spirits would make people excited, but that was all.

"Lower your hands," Chen Ke ordered.

All the comrades followed Chen Ke and lowered their arms. Under Chen Ke's direction, they sat back down.

"Our current urgent task is, on one hand, to develop new comrades, and on the other hand, to complete the existing work. Everyone, take out the document on the party's discipline and program."

The document had not been put away, and everyone picked up their copies.

Chen Ke continued, "The party must accept new comrades who recognize our political program. At this stage, the party's important propositions must be kept confidential. On this issue, I believe the party organization should be divided into two departments: one responsible for promoting the party's program and the other for organizing production."

"Is the current promotion mainly targeting the young people of the Huangpu Book Society?" Qi Huishen asked.

Before Chen Ke could answer, Hua Xiongmao followed up, "Is the production department responsible for buying medicine and making money?"

Chen Tianhua remained silent. These two "old comrades," especially Hua Xiongmao, were showing signs of competition. In terms of lecturing, Chen Tianhua believed he could be a leader or at least a co-leader. From what he knew, Wu Xingchen was also involved in drug sales. As a more senior party member, if Hua Xiongmao took charge of the production department, he would have a certain status. Moreover, Wu Xingchen's official party history was even later than Chen Tianhua's, so Hua Xiongmao leading the production department was almost a certainty.

Chen Tianhua glanced at Wu Xingchen, who still had his usual slightly cold expression. He seemed indifferent to this hidden competition. Looking at Chen Ke, who was sitting in the chief position, Chen Tianhua saw that Chen Ke did not look very pleased with the comrades' self-nomination.

In the Huaxing Society and the Tongmenghui, such personnel arrangements were the most damaging to morale. Originally, all comrades were equal, but once there was a hierarchy, it inevitably caused dissatisfaction. Therefore, in the Huaxing Society, each department was directly led by Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, and Chen Tianhua and others completed their tasks independently. In the Tongmenghui, with its many factions, the so-called executive ministers were mostly temporary appointments, and their execution was not guaranteed. How would Chen Ke deal with this issue? Chen Tianhua was eager to see.

Chen Ke was well aware of the comrades' enthusiasm and "ambition." It was interesting that in the past, Chen Ke had never cared about or been interested in such "ambition." As he founded and built the party, he could see these things clearly, even if he did not think about them.

These disputes must be resolved. Chen Ke was dissatisfied with Hua Xiongmao's attitude. The revolution should not be like this. It was wrong. Chen Ke planned to talk to Hua Xiongmao privately after the meeting. The current priority was to resolve the current work arrangements.

"Comrades, no matter how revolutionary we claim to be, the revolution must be accomplished through concrete work. Therefore, the comrades responsible for promoting our ideology and developing new party members must, on one hand, give lectures and, on the other hand, observe those who are very interested and active in our courses and list them as potential candidates. The production department is not just about selling medicine and making money. Our school construction site has already started, and we have the young people from the Huangpu Book Society working there. We need to observe who works diligently and actively, not just going through the motions."

After saying this, Chen Ke's gaze swept over everyone. Seeing that everyone was listening attentively, Chen Ke continued, "We hold party meetings to communicate and summarize our work. Comrades from each department must report on their work and listen to the progress of others. In the work of developing new party members, the department responsible for promotion and the department responsible for production must both propose lists of active members. From these two lists, we will select young people who are politically and work-wise active as our key development targets."

Hearing Chen Ke's requirements, Chen Tianhua nodded in agreement. Not only Chen Tianhua, but the other comrades also nodded. Even Wu Xingchen slightly nodded.

"Qingwen, how do we define the standard of being active?" You Gou asked.

"Working together to dye cloth and make medicine, what does it mean to be diligent and active? Don't you know?" Chen Ke countered.

"But when Qingwen led us, to be honest, I always felt inferior to you. I didn't feel particularly active or proactive."

"If everyone were like Qingwen, then everyone could form a party," Hua Xiongmao said. "Qingwen, your meaning is that party members should personally lead the work, just like we did before. You are a party member, and we follow you, seeing how serious you are, we naturally want to work with you. Is that right?"

"Exactly," Chen Ke replied.

"I can take charge of the production department. The construction site has already started, and Qingwen, you had the young people who came to listen to lectures work there, which seems to have been planned from the beginning," Hua Xiongmao said, his voice filled with praise and a hint of smugness.

"Are you sure you can do as well as Qingwen?" You Gou asked.

"Uh?"

"Qingwen's work is not just hard but also well-organized. Can you do that?" As he said this, You Gou's tone became somewhat malicious. "Qingwen's work is not just diligent and proactive but also humble and cautious. I have never seen Qingwen act smugly."

Chen Ke did not want to bring this up so soon. Although he had to admit that You Gou was right, Hua Xiongmao was indeed smug. This was not right. However, it would be best to discuss this privately. Bringing it up in public would easily escalate the conflict into a personal dispute. Everyone in the room probably saw Hua Xiongmao's mistake but did not say anything. Chen Ke could first criticize Hua Xiongmao privately and then persuade him to make a public self-criticism. Everyone has self-respect, especially in China, where people value face. Persuading Hua Xiongmao to make a self-criticism would be a significant achievement. This could be considered the beginning of "criticism and self-criticism" within the party. Chen Ke had considered this.

Chen Ke had spent the most time with Hua Xiongmao and knew him to be straightforward and not a bad person. However, even as an advanced youth of this era, Hua Xiongmao was still a person of the late Qing dynasty. In an era that generally pursued hierarchy and privilege, where hierarchy and privilege were considered natural, Hua Xiongmao, no matter how advanced, could not achieve the ideological realm that many party members would not achieve even 40 years later. Moreover, the one who criticized him was You Gou, a woman. The idea of male superiority over females was deeply rooted in this era. No matter how much they said they supported gender equality, they still did not truly believe it.

As expected, when You Gou finished speaking, Hua Xiongmao's face changed. Hua Xiongmao was straightforward and could not hide his emotions. His face showed only a small part shame and mostly anger.

Seeing this, Chen Ke's mind began to race. How could he resolve this issue politically and tactfully? The People's Party was just starting, and there was no political commissar. Chen Ke was the political commissar of the party. Chen Ke knew that he must resolve the conflict and problem that had erupted today. This was a responsibility he could not avoid. If Chen Ke could not do it, it would only mean that he was an incompetent leader. With only a few party members, Chen Ke could not do the political work well. How could he handle the complex situations that would arise as the revolution developed?

Looking at the emotionally agitated Hua Xiongmao, Chen Ke suppressed his anxiety and repeatedly told himself, "I must stay calm. I must stay calm, I must stay calm." As he said this, Chen Ke closed his eyes.

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End of Chapter 36