Chapter 71

As the saying goes, scholars who rebel will not succeed in three years. But what if the scholars become officials?

Before heading north, Chen Ke believed that among the officials at the end of the Qing Dynasty, there would certainly be a group of people who had lost hope in the court and would also seek ways to save China. Chen Ke hoped to meet such people before his journey north. Indeed, he did meet them. With Shang Yuan and the people he introduced as the core, Chen Ke established the Beijing Party Group.

Chen Ke's quick trust in Shang Yuan was not because he believed he had some "mysterious aura." Nor was it because he believed revolutionary theory could easily convince the scholars of this era. At first, Chen Ke thought Shang Yuan was just a "revolutionary enthusiast," someone who only talked about revolution. So, he entrusted the paperwork to Shang Yuan. Unexpectedly, when registering the factory list, Shang Yuan included himself. When it came to the task of repairing stoves, Shang Yuan also joined his team.

Chen Ke was greatly surprised by this.

When he asked Shang Yuan about it, Shang Yuan simply replied, "A gentleman is not confined to one role." Confucius once believed that a gentleman should not limit himself to a fixed field. Chen Ke's family also revered Confucianism, and their family education repeatedly emphasized that if one despised so-called "low-level work" after learning knowledge, it meant they had wasted their education.

Moreover, in the construction of revolutionary theory, Shang Yuan showed astonishing talent. He had a profound understanding of Chairman Mao's "serving the people wholeheartedly." Chen Ke always believed that the core of socialism was developing productivity, and "serving the people wholeheartedly" was about establishing a social system that provided better job opportunities for the people. In simpler terms, it was the "New Democracy" program proposed by the party.

Shang Yuan, the scholar, had an astonishing ability to understand this theory and sufficient planning skills on paper. Therefore, the chairperson of this meeting was not Chen Ke but Shang Yuan.

"Gentlemen, this meeting will discuss two main issues. First, the social demand for beehive coal. Second, the superiority of the socialist system as seen through beehive coal. Now, let Wenqing speak," Shang Yuan said calmly, quickly setting the tone for the meeting.

Chen Ke's speech was brief. The success of beehive coal was simply due to industrialized production reducing living costs, making it naturally successful. This principle did not need much elaboration. The superiority of the socialist system lay in "from each according to his ability, to each according to his work," using a strong state apparatus to eliminate the "rentier" class and reduce social transaction costs. Through state investment in state-owned enterprises, control over core industries and social services was achieved. The state itself should support these industries.

Su Wuming, however, smiled and said, "Such a state is indeed good, but this government should not be the Qing Dynasty, nor should it be any imperial system."

The comrades present nodded in agreement.

"The state is a tool of class rule. When we analyze society, we must understand that class struggle is the key. From the perspective of struggle, all human societies are composed of various contradictions," Chen Ke spoke confidently. In Shanghai, the theoretical level of the comrades was quite limited. Moreover, Chen Ke himself was not a sociologist, and his theoretical level was also quite limited at the time. Over these few months, Chen Ke's social theory level had improved significantly, and he was more at ease when lecturing.

"This is the truth of the world. We study law to summarize various regulations from these contradictions," said Xu Dian. Xu Dian was a friend of Shang Yuan's friend Mao Yibo, who studied law at Tokyo University in Japan in 1901. He returned to China in 1905, originally a constitutionalist, but after two days of classes, he became a socialist.

Mao Yibo, a native of Zhejiang, was part of the last batch of young students sent to study in the United States. After returning, he worked at the Kaiping Coal Mine but, due to his radical personality, could not stay there and returned to Jiang-Zhe to start a school. Despite repeated failures, he accumulated a lot of debt and became disillusioned with the Qing system, turning into an old radical. With the rise of the constitutional movement in recent years, Mao Yibo became enthusiastic again. Unable to stay in Jiang-Zhe, he came to Beijing to promote constitutionalism. Mao Yibo was not entirely supportive of Xu Dian's comments, "Wenqing made it clear last time that revolutionaries must have a heart of benevolence. If everything is approached with a spirit of struggle, it will only create unnecessary trouble. Revolution is about solving problems, not creating them."

The comrades discussed back and forth. Xie Mingxian, listening on the side, could not help but marvel. These people, being scholars, only talked about revolution and never mentioned the Qing Dynasty. But Xie Mingxian knew that these people had completely abandoned the Qing. Xie Mingxian did not know Xu Xilin and was unaware of Xu Xilin's deep confusion about Chen Ke's attitude towards the Qing, "Chen Ke sees the Qing as a tomb of dry bones." If Xie Mingxian and Xu Xilin could discuss this issue, they would certainly "appreciate each other." All those who accepted Chen Ke's theory now had this attitude towards the Qing.

Seeing that the discussion was almost over, the chairperson Shang Yuan said, "Does anyone have any questions about this issue?"

No one raised any new questions. Seeing that everyone was in agreement, Shang Yuan continued, "The next issue: What difficulties will the beehive coal factory face in its continued development, and where will these difficulties come from?"

Xie Mingxian had attended multiple meetings of the Beijing Party Group and had roughly summarized the meeting process:

1. Discuss the superiority of socialism. In this meeting, it was about how the new factory was advanced.

2. Discuss the backwardness and destructiveness of the current political system. This was about how the court's policies were detrimental to the new factory.

3. If a base is established, how should these issues be addressed. This part was about how to build a new social system in the future base, which was the county where Shang Yuan would take office in 1906.

This three-step process was repeated, educating and guiding the participants. The attendees were all from the social elite, and Shang Yuan would become a county magistrate in Anhui in 1906. The purpose of such meetings was to inform everyone that they had a space to fully utilize their abilities. However, the old political system was not viable, and neither were the slogans of the revolutionaries like Sun Yat-sen. A true revolution was necessary.

It must be said that this educational method was very effective. Regardless of whether others believed in Chen Ke's theory, Xie Mingxian did. Chen Ke always emphasized, "Class struggle is the key." In today's world, from the state to the family, everything is ruled by various tyrants according to the existing traditional model. A deep revolution must be carried out to reach the very bottom of society, a revolution that penetrates the souls of the people. The old order of China must be completely shattered and reorganized according to a new model.

Xie Mingxian did not want to deny Chen Ke's argument; he had personal experience. Xie Mingxian came from a medium-sized landlord family in Hubei. His mother was a concubine, so from a young age, Xie Mingxian understood one thing: "to keep a low profile." He had to hide his dissatisfaction with his cruel and brutal father, his dissatisfaction with his father's wife, and his dissatisfaction with the sons and daughters of the main wife. They looked down on him, believing that Xie Mingxian had no right to any of the family's wealth or resources. Xie Mingxian was very smart. From a young age, he was often unjustly scolded by his father's wife and deliberately bullied by her sons. The most profound lesson from his early life was that after starting private school, Xie Mingxian showed a talent for reading. In several exams, he performed excellently and was praised by his teacher. When the teacher visited Xie Mingxian's home, he praised Xie Mingxian to his father. For the first time, Xie Mingxian's father smiled at his son and said, "Well done."

Then the nightmare began. Xie Mingxian's mother was repeatedly harassed, beaten, and insulted by the main wife. Xie Mingxian himself was also subjected to a series of planned actions by his "brothers and sisters." His books were stolen, his pens were broken, and his notebooks were torn to shreds. Not only that, but his "brothers and sisters" also beat him up. When Xie Mingxian returned home covered in bruises, his "brothers and sisters" had already reported him to his father. His father did not uphold justice but made Xie Mingxian kneel as punishment. When his mother pleaded for him, Xie Mingxian heard his father calmly and coldly say, "Kneeling to death is for his own good."

Xie Mingxian was not stupid; he knew his father was doing this for his own good. If his father had upheld justice, Xie Mingxian would have been in endless trouble. His father's main wife would never forgive Xie Mingxian and his mother, and his two sisters would also be implicated.

From then on, Xie Mingxian no longer showed his abilities. On the surface, his studies were average. His father remained cold towards Xie Mingxian and his mother for a long time, barely calming the family storm. It was not until Xie Mingxian passed the examination for scholar in 1904 and gained "official status" that he was no longer beaten. Even if it was not a decision by the family elders, no elder brother in the family could beat Xie Mingxian, who had "official status."

From these years of experience, Xie Mingxian understood two things: First, the Confucian theory of "filial piety" was just a facade. Even among family members, the Xie family ruthlessly exploited tenant farmers. Second, the state was the true support. Only by joining the state could one gain strength.

So, Xie Mingxian originally planned to strive for the position of scholar. However, the end of the imperial examination system completely shattered his dreams. He could no longer advance to save his mother. If he could pass the examination for scholar, Xie Mingxian would have the opportunity to become an official and take his mother with him. But this opportunity was lost forever. Moreover, his success as a scholar had already made him a thorn in the side of his "brothers and sisters." His father was already old, and his "brothers and sisters" were almost fighting over the family property. If Xie Mingxian stayed at home, he would have no way out. Xie Mingxian had to leave home alone, away from his mother. He did not go to Changsha; in the countryside, a scholar was still respectable. But in Changsha, he would have no opportunities. Xie Mingxian needed to earn money to bring his mother out, so he went to the unfamiliar Shanghai.

Shanghai seemed prosperous, but it was the world of foreigners and compradors. As a scholar, he had no chance to show his abilities. If he had not seen Chen Ke's recruitment poster by chance... Xie Mingxian often thought about this and felt a chill.

This world needed a revolution. In the past twenty years, he had seen injustice everywhere, intense class contradictions. Even in his own family, they would force a tenant to death every three years on average. When the Xie family started lending at high interest rates, forcing people to death became a yearly occurrence. In recent years, disasters in Hunan and Hubei had made deaths a common occurrence. If the people wanted to survive, they had to rebel. If Chen Ke and his comrades raised the banner in the countryside, it would be like dry wood catching fire. The people would follow Chen Ke and his comrades just to survive.

More importantly, even with such a situation, Chen Ke remained calm and composed. He was not organizing a band of bandits but truly building a new "base." He was prepared to engage in political and military struggles with all enemies.

Watching the comrades discuss seriously, Xie Mingxian, after a few days of observation, understood that although these people came from different backgrounds, they all deeply saw that China's contradictions had reached a critical point. This was why they had gathered to plan a "great and earth-shaking event." Xie Mingxian had no objections to the "revolution." With his current abilities, he had no opportunities in the current world. Wealth and honor come with risk, and this was his only chance.

While thinking about his own affairs, Xie Mingxian did not pay much attention to some of the discussions. When he regained his focus, the part about the court was already over. Qin Shou then requested to speak.

"I have a question. How should the legal basis of the revolution be explained?" Qin Shou asked. Qin Shou was from Changzhou, Jiangsu. In 1896, he entered the Jiangnan Naval Academy with eight silver dollars raised by his mother. Despite the corruption and poor atmosphere at the academy, Qin Shou still studied hard. During the Boxer Rebellion, he received orders to join the Beiyang Fleet. At that time, the north was in chaos, and the school had no discipline. Qin Shou returned home to visit his mother. When his mother learned that Qin Shou did not plan to go north, she immediately asked him, "Didn't you enter the naval academy to serve the country? Now is the time to serve the country, why are you going to be a deserter?" Qin Shou, blushing, returned to the school to apply for travel funds. The school instructors, finding it unbelievable that Qin Shou would go north in such a situation, gave him some travel money out of curiosity. Qin Shou then went north.

In Beijing, he found that the Guangxu Emperor and Empress Dowager Cixi had returned to the capital, and the various government offices were in disarray, needing personnel. The Beiyang Naval Academy no longer existed, so Qin Shou was recruited by the Ministry of Revenue as a minor official. Seeing the court's humiliation, he became even more disillusioned with the Qing.

He was Shang Yuan's friend, and they often discussed the future of China. After joining the Beijing Party Group, Qin Shou, with his wide network, was responsible for developing new members.

Shang Yuan said, "Rebellion against the Qing and restoration of the Ming is not feasible. Neither is a democratic republic. Wenqing, what do you think?"

"There is no other way. The will of the people is the mandate of heaven. The people's revolution itself is the legal basis," Chen Ke said firmly.

After some discussion, everyone agreed. After discussing a few more issues, Shang Yuan, seeing the time, announced the end of the meeting.

After the meeting, as the others left the room, Shang Yuan suddenly asked Chen Ke, who was reviewing the meeting notes, "Wenqing, what do you think of the comrades in Beijing?"

"The comrades are good, but I do not want to take them to Anhui now. I think it would be better for them to continue developing the Northern Party Group in Beijing. Wang Shan and Qin Shou can take the factory colleagues to Anhui."

"I heard you mentioned that there are comrades in Shanghai. Are you worried about conflicts between the two groups?"

"Let's see. I am not worried about this issue. Working in the countryside is extremely difficult. Those who cannot endure the hardship will naturally drop out. However, there are many heroes in the north. If everyone goes to Anhui, leaving only a few in the north, what can they do? In the future, we will inevitably fight the Qing, and intelligence work is crucial. So, I think the comrades staying in the north will be like our eyes and ears. Knowing the enemy and knowing yourself ensures victory in a hundred battles."

Shang Yuan stared at Chen Ke, as if trying to understand his true intentions. After a moment, he nodded and said, "Wenqing's words make sense."

Chen Ke was pleased to have Shang Yuan's support. His words were not an excuse; these people might not be as useful in the base as they were in Beijing. Moreover, Beijing was a place of talent, and laying more groundwork was the way to achieve great things.

"By the way, Brother Wang Shan, you will take office next March, and it is already December. Don't you plan to go home first?"

Shang Yuan shook his head lightly, "No rush. My father is in Tianjin now. I can visit him before taking office. But I suggest you visit Yuan Weiting."

Before heading north, Yan Fu gave Chen Ke three letters. One was for Mr. Gu Hongming, which he had to deliver. Yan Fu clearly instructed this. Another letter was for Yuan Shikai. Yan Fu said these two letters were not necessary to deliver. He said that if Chen Ke encountered unsolvable problems in Beijing, he could use these letters. Chen Ke always believed, "Relying on mountains, the mountains may collapse; relying on rivers, the rivers may dry up." He did not want to rely on others' power. "No benefit, no early rise." If there was no benefit for others, only a fool would help. Yuan Shikai was definitely not a fool.

"There's no rush," Chen Ke said.

"I suggest you go and promote the beehive coal to the Beiyang Army's camps."

"Hmm?" Chen Ke felt there was a deeper meaning to Shang Yuan's words.

"Given the current political situation in the capital, there are many people who want to challenge Yuan Shikai. If Wenqing wants to shut down the factory and take the colleagues south, simple operations may not be enough," Shang Yuan said skillfully.

"I see." Chen Ke nodded, admiring Shang Yuan's insight.