Chapter 73

"Comrades, since Wenqing has completed the party's mission, I would like to propose that we discuss the next steps for the Beijing party cell's work," Shang Yuan announced at the party meeting.

The people below had varied expressions. Some were eagerly awaiting the assignment of tasks, some were indifferent and listened quietly, and a couple of people had a look of anticipation for some entertainment.

Shang Yuan, seeing everyone's varied expressions, had a clear understanding. He had seen such people too many times. Even these comrades, who were enthusiastic about the revolution, were products of the old era and inevitably had old habits. In their habits, interests and status were still very important. Looking at the comrades, Shang Yuan suddenly thought of the discussion he had with Chen Ke a few days ago. Chen Ke believed that these people should just stay in Beijing. They might not be able to endure the arduous work in the south. Shang Yuan thought Chen Ke was right. From what he could see, a few of them were indeed not suitable.

The first topic of discussion was the work arrangement for Chen Ke. Shang Yuan suggested that Chen Ke no longer go out to conduct activities but focus on party education. Shang Yuan would arrange the work of how to contact Yuan Shikai.

Chen Ke was the founder of the Beijing party cell, and Shang Yuan had always advocated this. Even a few days ago, Shang Yuan publicly stated that in terms of scholarship and revolutionary theory, Chen Ke was his teacher. However, after Chen Ke, according to the cell's arrangement, met with Yuan Shikai, Shang Yuan immediately began to issue orders, asking Chen Ke to give lectures. This was a blatant power grab. If things went as expected, Chen Ke would definitely counter.

To everyone's surprise, Chen Ke showed no resistance. He nodded, "Comrades, I think at this stage, I should focus on teaching. I am completely unfamiliar with the situation in Beijing and cannot get involved. Besides, I have no intention of developing here in the long term, so there's no point in doing useless work. I will abide by the party's decision."

This statement surprised everyone. Some began to wonder what Chen Ke really meant. This "abiding by the party's decision" was quite intriguing. Would Chen Ke do whatever the party asked? Would he accept any task, even something as menial as carrying bricks and mud?

Next came the vote. The result was eleven votes in favor and two against. The two who voted against were Chai Qingguo and Zheng Wenjie. Shang Yuan asked Chai Qingguo to explain his reasoning. This was Chai Qingguo's first time speaking in front of a group of officials. He put on a loyal look and said, "Mr. Chen met with Yuan Shikai. If Mr. Chen withdraws later, and Yuan Shikai wants to see Mr. Chen again, what will we do?"

While the words could be said, the reality was different. The others, either skilled in politics or familiar with the political scene, showed a hint of amusement on their faces. However, no one spoke, and all eyes were on Chen Ke and Shang Yuan. Chen Ke felt he had failed in his actions. Chai Qingguo's thoughts were understandable, but his approach was completely wrong. Chen Ke should have communicated with Chai Qingguo before the meeting. But then again, this was also a good opportunity to understand the attitudes of the Beijing party cell members towards organizational discipline.

"Qingguo, I'm not completely withdrawing. The purpose of contacting Yuan Shikai is something we all need to decide," Shang Yuan said.

Chai Qingguo didn't fully understand. Chen Ke was the leader; why should he listen to everyone else? Decisions should be made through consultation, but Chen Ke's delegation of power made him seem like a subordinate. How could he be a leader? But Chai Qingguo finally understood his position. Since he had decided to follow Chen Ke, and Chen Ke had clearly stated his position, he should listen to Chen Ke. He nodded, "Since Mr. Chen says so, I will change my vote to in favor."

This wise move surprised many. These party members, except for Chen Ke, all had some form of official status. Initially, they didn't understand why Chen Ke would bring someone like Chai Qingguo, not only looking down on Chai Qingguo but also slightly underestimating Chen Ke. But seeing Chai Qingguo admit his mistake and correct it, they found his character commendable. This also increased their respect for Chen Ke.

Zheng Wenjie was clearly there to watch the show. He voted after Chai Qingguo, with no good intentions. But when Chai Qingguo gave up so easily, he was straightforward, "I just wanted to see Brother Chai make a fool of himself and join in the fun. Since Brother Chai is so straightforward, I was wrong."

Zheng Wenjie's frankness didn't anger Chen Ke. Not only Chen Ke, but several others in the meeting couldn't help but laugh. Hearing this and the laughter, Chai Qingguo became furious. He stood up abruptly. Chen Ke grabbed his shoulder and pulled him back to his seat.

"Brother Zheng, you need to explain this clearly," Chen Ke said seriously. Putting things on the table was a good thing, but once on the table, there must be a fair judgment.

"I have met Brother Chai. In the year of Gengzi, I was in Shandong, and I fought with Brother Chai," Zheng Wenjie said solemnly. "At that time, Brother Chai led a cavalry unit and charged out bravely. He is a capable person. But since Brother Chai is a Boxer, I don't think he truly wants a revolution. He doesn't understand revolution. I thought that if things got out of hand, you would have to let Brother Chai go. But I was wrong; I underestimated Brother Chai. Now I will speak plainly. Because of different political views, Brother Chai is not suitable for the party."

Everyone thought Zheng Wenjie was just being mischievous, but his words were so intense that no one dared to follow up.

The superiority of a modern political party lies in its core of political views, where people with the same political views form the party. In contrast, China's current political organizations are centered around economic or political interests. This was what Chen Ke explained in his party classes. The attendees all agreed with this idea. If the theory was correct, it should be followed.

Now that Zheng Wenjie raised the issue of political stance, even Chen Ke couldn't refute it. He knew that Chai Qingguo was not a suitable party member at this stage, even though the Beijing party cell had not yet held an initiation ceremony. Clearly, the cell members were of high caliber, and Zheng Wenjie's view was not just his own.

"I request a vote to decide whether Brother Chai should continue to participate in our meetings," Zheng Wenjie said loudly.

The meeting room fell silent, and everyone looked at Chen Ke. Since Chai Qingguo was brought in by Chen Ke, and Chen Ke had not yet spoken, they wanted to give him some face and let him speak first.

Chen Ke knew what he had to say; there was no other choice. As a party member, one must abide by the party's decisions. This was what Chen Ke had told everyone when explaining the party's guidelines. Just as Chen Ke was about to speak, he saw Chai Qingguo stand up, trembling with anger, "I'll leave now; you don't have to kick me out."

Chen Ke pulled Chai Qingguo back to his seat, "Brother Chai, you are a member of the party. Only the party can decide whether you stay or go. If you leave on your own, are you still a member of the party?" These words felt like a slap in the face to Chen Ke. In Shanghai, Chen Ke had expanded the party by gradually pulling people in through informal meetings. But he hadn't thought it through and applied the same method in Beijing, leading to this result. Chen Ke didn't hate Zheng Wenjie; he hadn't done anything wrong.

Chai Qingguo's face turned ashen with anger, his humiliation and shock evident. But the more he showed this, the less tolerance he would receive from the party's political structure. Chen Ke suddenly understood why being "politically wronged" was such a serious matter. The party could shape you however it wanted, and you had to wait for the party to make a decision.

His thoughts didn't stop there. Suddenly, Chen Ke understood the nature of political struggles and the desire for revenge. When Chairman Mao launched various movements, he repeatedly emphasized that "rectification is not about targeting individuals." Even with Mao's authority, various incidents still occurred. This ensured that rectification did not lead to killings. Now, with the grudge between Chai Qingguo and Zheng Wenjie, how high a level of character would it take to "bury past grievances with a smile" in the future? If Zheng Wenjie were to fall into Chai Qingguo's hands during a future rectification movement... "Let's start the vote," Shang Yuan said.

The result was twelve votes against and one abstention. Chai Qingguo could no longer attend the Beijing party cell meetings. The abstention was cast by Chai Qingguo himself, clearly a sign of his resentment. The party was ruthless; even if you knew you would be expelled, you had to sincerely align with the party. You couldn't resist passively. Chen Ke knew this, but today he truly understood what the party was all about.

After the vote, Chai Qingguo left. His dejected back was a stark contrast to his usual cheerful demeanor, making Chen Ke feel a deep sense of sorrow.

After this incident, the meeting entered a new phase, and everyone was more focused. The work assignments went smoothly. Chen Ke was responsible for teaching, and others had their own roles. Before Shang Yuan left Beijing, the party's goal was to recruit as many people as possible, especially those who could be sent to Anhui. After Shang Yuan left, the party would not only focus on recruitment but also on intelligence gathering.

"I can't handle real revolutionary work. In the future, Anhui will be the center of the party, and I will absolutely follow the party's decisions. But now, I can only do intelligence work in Beijing. I can't do anything else," Zheng Wenjie said frankly.

Many agreed with his view.

After the meeting, Chen Ke immediately went to find Chai Qingguo. The meeting had been long. By the time Chen Ke saw Chai Qingguo, he had already packed his bags. Seeing Chen Ke, the Shandong man didn't show anger, "Mr. Chen, I'm not on the same path as these people. I won't bring up the matter of sending educated people anymore. I'm going back to Shandong now."

"Brother Chai, if the Boxer brothers had discussed things like this back then, do you think we would have been defeated by the Beiyang Army?" Chen Ke asked, holding Chai Qingguo's hand.

"The Boxer brothers wouldn't treat their own like this," Chai Qingguo said angrily.

"That's why the Boxer brothers failed. If you want to succeed in the future, you need this kind of organization and discipline," Chen Ke tried to persuade Chai Qingguo one last time.

"I can't make someone leave a meeting like that," Chai Qingguo couldn't understand.

"They just want you to leave the meeting, not Beijing. Brother Chai, in a while, I will go to Anhui. I really want you to come with me. Will you?" Chen Ke made one last effort.

"Mr. Chen, you're a good person," Chai Qingguo gave Chen Ke a "good person card," "But I have my pride. I can't work under those people." Chai Qingguo spoke his mind.

With that, Chen Ke couldn't say anything more. He sighed and took out all the money in his pocket. Fortunately, he hadn't spent much recently, and he had a dozen silver dollars. He gave them all to Chai Qingguo, "Be careful on your journey."

After Chai Qingguo left, Chen Ke felt a bit down. If Chai Qingguo went back to Shandong and started a rebellion without proper guidance, the outcome was predictable. Chen Ke felt regret, but it was just that—regret. For someone of high caliber, there was no need to complain. Chen Ke always felt that the higher one's caliber, the more one's emotions would fade. The farther you could see into the future, the more you would realize that many things were destined to happen, and there was no point in being sad about inevitable tragedies.

Chairman Mao once said, "Revolution is not a dinner party, not a literary gathering, not a painting or embroidery. It cannot be so refined, so leisurely, so polite, so gentle, so courteous. Revolution is an uprising, a violent action by one class to overthrow another."

Apart from silently wishing Chai Qingguo "good fortune and safety," Chen Ke had no other options.

After this meeting, Chen Ke continued to teach. Shang Yuan didn't let Chen Ke teach blindly because Beijing was a strange place where news spread quickly. For example, three days after meeting Yuan Shikai, He Ruming came to visit Chen Ke at the coal briquette factory early in the morning. Shang Yuan and Chen Ke had discussed the visit to Yuan Shikai, and Shang Yuan told Chen Ke that officials would come to visit in the coming days. Shang Yuan then moved the party meeting from the factory dormitory to a house in the city. Chen Ke's party classes were held in another house near the factory.

He Ruming was one of the founders of the coal briquette factory and had benefited a lot from Chen Ke during its establishment. Chen Ke hoped He Ruming would come to talk about money. Unfortunately, after a brief chat, He Ruming said with a peculiar smile, "I heard that Wenqing met with Lord Yuan a few days ago?"

What does that have to do with you? Chen Ke thought. But on the surface, he said seriously, "Lord Yuan took time out of his busy schedule to see me. It was a great honor."

"Does Wenqing know that Lord Yuan and Mr. Yan Fu are close friends?" He Ruming asked.

Chen Ke knew some of this history. As he got closer to Qin Tongren, he learned a lot about it. He Ruming's father, Old He, was close to both Yan Fu and Yuan Shikai in Tianjin. Back then, Yan Fu and Yuan Shikai were both reformists and formed a "reform salon" with many other reformists in Tianjin. Old He was an important figure. According to Qin Tongren, Yan Fu's books were originally intended for Old He, not He Ruming. When Chen Ke first learned that He Ruming had received Yan Fu's books, he thought He Ruming was a significant figure, but he had made a big mistake. Chen Ke felt quite unhappy.

"I know a bit about that," Chen Ke tried to avoid the topic.

"During his lifetime, my father was very close to these two gentlemen," He Ruming said without hesitation.

"Is that so?" Chen Ke pretended to hear it for the first time.

"So, Wenqing and I are close like brothers," He Ruming smiled.

It seemed that He Ruming was trying to reconnect the He family with Yuan Shikai through Chen Ke. Chen Ke found this normal and just went along with it. He Ruming, seeing Chen Ke's attitude, was quite pleased. This visit was suggested by He Qian. Yuan Shikai was recognized as a member of the "later faction," which aligned with the He family's political faction. However, for some reason, Old He didn't like Yuan Shikai. After the Gengzi Incident, their relationship cooled, and after Old He's death, He Ruming couldn't reconnect. Despite Yuan Shikai's efforts to recruit people, he ignored the He family. So, He Qian thought it was reasonable to use Chen Ke's connections. Seeing that Chen Ke didn't refuse, He Ruming was quite happy.

After He Ruming left, several other officials came, all old acquaintances of Yan Fu. Their purpose was similar to He Ruming's: to connect with Chen Ke. A few days later, someone reported that an official surnamed Sheng had come to visit. The party cell had discussed who might come if the government made contact. The conclusion was that if it was someone from the Beiyang, it would either be a direct subordinate of Yuan Shikai, such as Yang Shiqi, or a subordinate of Sheng Xuanhuai, the "economic first person" of the Beiyang.

At the party committee meeting, Shang Yuan said that since their goal was to establish a new political system, there was no need to focus on the old era's issues. The only thing to note was that if Sheng Xuanhuai sent someone, they should leave room for future meetings. Sheng Xuanhuai had significant influence in Anhui, and it was unnecessary to offend him before establishing a base. Before fully raising the banner of rebellion, Sheng Xuanhuai could provide a lot of support. Sheng Xuanhuai was a significant figure in Chinese history, a reformist who founded and operated various enterprises during the Self-Strengthening Movement, including shipping, telegraph, textiles, coal and iron mines, railways, and banks, and established modern universities. He was a major figure.

Shang Yuan even thought that if they could connect with Sheng Xuanhuai, they could consider the Anhui issue now.

"..." Shang Yuan thought for a long time before saying this. Generally, someone who could say this was either a close friend or had ulterior motives. What finally convinced Shang Yuan was Chen Ke's words in the party class. The Beijing party cell had provided a lot of information. Although Yuan Shikai and Sheng Xuanhuai seemed to be working together, their private conflicts, especially the management rights dispute over the "shipping and telegraph companies" starting in 1901, were quite subtle.

Like Yuan Shikai, Sheng Xuanhuai was a key figure in the Beiyang. After Li Hongzhang's death in 1901, the Beiyang transitioned from the old to the new, with Yuan Shikai taking over. At that time, Yuan Shikai and Sheng Xuanhuai, sharing similar political views, worked closely together. However, in 1902, when Sheng Xuanhuai returned home to mourn his father, Yuan Shikai began to