Chapter 10

After making these adjustments, Hofmann finally felt much more at ease, and his "role-playing" skills had reached a new level. At least the old comrades of the National Socialist Party could no longer detect any abnormalities in him, and he could command them as if they were his own limbs.

"Everyone should be clear about the current military situation and strategic adjustments," Hofmann said with a serious expression, his demeanor particularly stern. "From the current situation, it is inevitable that the war will become a protracted one, and we must be mentally prepared for this. The Russians still have ample reserves, and it may not be possible to defeat them in one or two years. With American involvement, the British will also fight to the bitter end. The army on the Eastern Front also has the idea of continuing to build up strength and preparing to deliver a fatal blow to the Russians next year. To avoid fighting on two fronts, following the principle of starting with the easier tasks, I have decided to shift the strategic focus to the Southern Front, while the Eastern Front will enter a relatively mild offensive defense. We must effectively use this year's adjustment period to comprehensively enhance the empire's strength. Our military production, material gathering, and personnel mobilization must all undergo significant changes. Therefore, I order that from September 1, 1942, the empire will fully transition to a wartime system. All laws and policies that conflict with this system will be null and void. The consumer industry must gradually transform into a military industry, and major military enterprises must shift from a single shift to a three-shift system to improve production efficiency and increase output, laying a solid material foundation for a complete victory."

This was another shocking decision. Although the attendees had not yet reacted, Hofmann was clear that historically, the Third Reich only began a general mobilization after the failure of the Kursk "Citadel" operation, and military production did not peak until 1944, by which time the strategic bombing by the United States and Britain had already devastated Germany. At present, Germany was still immersed in the illusion of "not interfering with citizens' normal lives," and was woefully unprepared for the protracted and brutal nature of the war. The military industry was still operating on a single shift, and the economic management system was in chaos, with problems only being masked by the continuous victories on the front lines.

The Armaments Minister, Speer, understood Hofmann's intentions and his eyes suddenly lit up. He interjected, "Führer, this way, there might not be enough labor."

"Labor?" Hofmann glanced at General Jodl, the Chief of the Operations Staff of the High Command, and asked, "Didn't we capture nearly 3 million Russian soldiers on the Eastern Front over the past year? They can all participate in labor."

Jodl looked embarrassed, his expression not very good.

Speer shrugged indifferently, "According to my knowledge, over 500,000 prisoners of war have already died from malnutrition and harsh treatment in the camps. Some have been taken by the Eastern Front units, ostensibly as voluntary auxiliary personnel, but in reality, they are used as slave laborers. Even worse, some prisoners have taken advantage of the army's movements and the intensity of the war to escape and return to Stalin's embrace."

"This won't do," Hofmann became angry and said to the military leaders, "Russian prisoners are also an important resource and should be treated with the same importance as other captured materials. They must not be wasted." After a pause, he added, "Relying solely on prisoners may not meet the production needs. I believe that educated and suitable-age women of the empire should also serve in the military, increasing the proportion of women employed in factories, social organizations, and government agencies..."

Göring's eyes nearly bulged out. "Führer, you want women to join the military? We are not the Russians; our army is not so weak that it needs women to fight."

"Idiot, who said they should take up arms on the front lines?" Hofmann was furious at the dense-headed Göring. "Like the air force, can women not serve as telephone operators and telegraphers? Can they not operate radar and anti-aircraft searchlights?"

"Oh, my God!" Keitel, seizing the opportunity, mocked, "Comrade Göring's air force is already overstaffed. If women are added, it will be even more crowded. I don't worry about women serving, but I fear that if they are allowed to serve, even the regular male soldiers will not be able to complete their tasks."

This was a clear attack on Göring, the head of the air force, who was known for his womanizing and scandals, in retaliation for Göring's earlier comment that only the air force was loyal to the Führer. Seeing that Göring was about to explode, Hofmann stopped him and said, "Don't be hasty. I won't let the air force personnel be idle. The air force has other tasks. All the management and escort duties of the prisoner camps will be handled by the air force. The air force field divisions may not be able to defeat the Russians, but they should be able to manage the prisoners, right?"

Göring's eyes darted around. He realized that if the prisoners were really put to work, it would spark competition among various enterprises, which could be very profitable. His own steel and metal companies were short of labor, so he readily agreed.

Seeing that Keitel and Zeitzler, the two Chief of Staffs, were about to protest, Hofmann directly countered, "You complain about the lack of manpower on the front lines. I will hand over the prisoner camp management to the air force, and you will only handle the prisoners on the battlefield, freeing up several tens of thousands of field troops for the front lines. Moreover, when the prisoners are escorted back to the country by the air force, they will not consume the army's food and supplies, which is beneficial to you. In the future, all prisoners on the Eastern Front will be handled in this manner."

Speer, seeing that Göring had taken over the prisoner labor, looked eagerly at Hofmann, hoping he would assign some workers for forced labor. However, Hofmann offered a new solution: the captured enemy soldiers should not be simply distributed for labor. They must first be screened, especially to identify and separate the Bolsheviks. Soldiers and officers must be detained separately to prevent officers from using their authority to incite and organize. Officers and Bolsheviks will all participate in forced labor, while ordinary soldiers are not recommended for direct involvement in military production to prevent sabotage, strikes, and secret destruction, which could harm the quality of weapons. Similarly, the military industry in the occupied areas cannot be entrusted to other countries and must be controlled by the empire.

"My suggestion is this: we will transfer all consumer industries to the occupied areas and move their military industries to the empire. This way, even if they tamper with the products, it will not harm our weapons, and it will also weaken their defense capabilities, preventing them from producing weapons for resistance organizations. Russian prisoners should be settled in East Prussia and the General Government, mainly engaged in agricultural and mining production—especially agriculture. We should have an incentive policy: as long as the prisoners can meet the production quotas for the empire, they can manage the surplus themselves. Isn't Stalin fond of collective farms that seize all surplus resources? We can adopt this model and let them experience true National Socialism. Thanks to the food they provide, the original agricultural workers of the empire can be redirected to large-scale industrial production." Hofmann, excited, stood up, "Gentlemen, we will not fear their sabotage. Slacking off and reducing production will do them no good; it will only harm their own stomachs. If these segregated and managed prisoners perform well, and we can offer them better treatment than Stalin's collective farms, we can allow them to bring their families over and give them Polish land, making them loyal to the empire. In short, the empire's production capacity, especially in heavy industry and military production, must be significantly increased. We must integrate the resources and production capabilities of the entire Europe to counter the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union—this principle was clearly articulated by General Ludendorff in 'Total War.' If anyone is still unclear, I suggest you read it carefully; it will be beneficial for you."

"Clap, clap, clap!" Goebbels was the first to applaud. "Führer, your speech is excellent. Not only does it explain the necessity and importance of the empire's general mobilization and transition to a wartime system, but it also provides clear direction for future economic and industrial production. No praise is too high."

The others could only follow suit, clapping. Göring grumbled "sycophant" in Goebbels' direction, but the latter ignored it.

"So," Hofmann slowly walked behind Speer and patted his shoulder, "your task is very heavy. After implementing the wartime system and production reforms, the production of major technical weapons such as tanks, artillery, and aircraft must double in a short time, and the production of basic industrial products such as steel, aluminum, and synthetic oil must also increase significantly. After the complete integration in 1943, we must strive to double the production again on the basis of this year's doubling. Of course, you don't need to worry. Since I have given you the task, I will also grant you the corresponding authority—whether it's the air force, the army, or the navy, all economic work and military production in the empire will be under your unified command. Anyone who disobeys orders will be considered a traitor to the wartime system, and Comrade Himmler will deal with them."

This was a clear sign of favoring Speer, essentially handing over the entire economic and production power of the empire to him. Speer felt his blood rushing to his head, his face turning red as if he had secretly drunk a bottle of fine French wine. He stood up straight and said loudly, "Führer, please rest assured; I will not let you down." Goebbels, Himmler, and others were visibly moved, their faces showing envy and jealousy. Martin Bormann looked at Speer with longing—last night, the Führer had clearly instructed that no new, costly command centers would be built besides the existing headquarters, which had left Bormann, who was responsible for the Führer's construction projects, feeling very disappointed.

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