Chapter 87

EP 15 - The Extra in the Political Arena (1)

The conversation of politicians is generally complex and ambiguous.

There are several reasons for this. One is to avoid responsibility, and another is to prevent the third leading cause of death among politicians, the 'tape scandal.'

That's why there's even a law stating that the president's orders should only be carried out in writing.

However, another reason we enjoy using euphemisms is:

"When Governor Cheong Jungyeop mentioned the relationship between Won Daehyang and Cha Jaegeun, I was really surprised. As far as I know, he was so busy at the time that he barely had a moment to spare..."

[You have Yang Panseok behind you, don't you? You're doing this because you received a tip from Yang Panseok, right?]

"I am truly grateful for Representative Han Seungmoon's words. Yes, that's right. It's true. How can I fight alone for justice? Let's fight together."

[Pretend you don't know.]

It's because the fact that they had a conversation on a certain topic must not exist.

* * *

With Cheong Jungyeop's sudden attack, the war between Won Okbun and her began, and their conflict eventually escalated into a full-scale war between the National Party and the Defense Party.

The National Party, the legitimate successor of the Republic of Korea's political history, and the Democratic Party, and the challenger aiming to open a new horizon of politics after the gate opened.

At first glance, it seemed to be a fierce and bloody battle, but in reality, it was not.

"Our floor leader has contributed to the party's administration, and now the party seems to have found its rightful place."

The National Party without Han Seungmoon was like a steamed bun without red beans, a tiger without teeth, or a pizza without pineapple. In other words, the most important thing was missing. The very nature of the National Party, being a gathering of Han Seungmoon supporters, was the root of its limitations.

"Truly..."

That was why Kim Jooin, the leader of the National Party, was holding my hand tightly and smiling in front of the camera.

This was the highest meeting hall of the National Party in Busan, where eight leaders sat side by side, and numerous reporters focused on Kim Jooin's opening remarks.

"Our floor leader has delivered a painful message to the established political circles. Given the current state of affairs, this message should have been delivered long ago."

Kim Jooin pointed to the retired hunters I had brought with a polite gesture.

"There has been a bias towards settling past issues when a vision for the future is needed. I am ashamed as a member of the older generation that our floor leader has been preparing for this from the beginning."

It was not just a compliment.

Han Seungmoon's distance from the National Party was all for this, and it also meant that everyone should not criticize Han Seungmoon. It also meant that I like Han Seungmoon, and Cheong Jungyeop, who is engaging in negative campaigning amidst this, is trash.

Is this political acumen?

The middle-aged economic bureaucrat smiled faintly, and Cheong Jungyeop maintained a seemingly expressionless but smiling face, keeping a cautious attitude.

The response of the National Party leadership (essentially the Kim Jooin faction) was very agile. As soon as I announced that I would field 30 retired hunters, Kim Jooin admitted that the party's stance was different and immediately convened the highest meeting.

He then announced that he would replace the public affairs committee chairman and form an emergency task force to deal with the situation.

This meant that he would accept all my conditions, and of course, for that, he had to cancel the 30 nominations he had already made. In the end, it was like plowing up the field he had cultivated.

However, this was both a full endorsement of me and a hard counter to Cheong Jungyeop.

If Cheong Jungyeop was a general charging into the enemy lines, Kim Jooin was the logistics officer. The current situation was like the logistics officer cutting off the supply to the general, and he even had a perfect justification by using me as an excuse.

Moreover, the 30 people who would be replaced to field the 30 retired hunters, would they be from Kim Jooin's faction or Cheong Jungyeop's faction?

It was unknown, but considering the checks and balances between Cheong Jungyeop and Kim Jooin, the result was clear.

Thus, the internal conflict of the National Party seemed to end with Kim Jooin's decisive victory.

[Third public opinion survey, Defense Party 46% - National Party 44%. Golden cross achieved within the margin of error!]

[Defense Party wins over National Party for the first time after the merger.]

[Internal conflict of the National Party and the backlash.]

[Smiling Won Okbun, Han Seungmoon with a knife drawn. Watching Kim Jooin?]

For the first time, a public opinion survey showed that the Defense Party's support rate was higher than the National Party's.

*

"A lost hater cannot win."

Hater. A person who only opposes.

"That's the rule."

In a dimly lit local office, Lee Hojeong analyzed the current situation in front of Yang Ilho and me. A large PPT appeared on the screen.

"The National Party emerged from the beginning as a force opposing the backroom politics of the Republican and Democratic parties. When you overturned the merger and other things at the press conference."

"That's right."

"Specifically, it was when the recording of 12 National Assembly members intentionally delaying the election was leaked. It gained momentum similar to a democratization movement. Although it was overshadowed by the gate opening in the government, the fundamental ideology of the National Party is anti-authoritarian democracy, right?"

Lee Hojeong, with short hair, tied her hair back and put on glasses. Yang Ilho's face changed dramatically, but when I glanced at him, he quickly returned to a stone Buddha-like expression. Love is for home, you guys.

Regardless, as Lee Hojeong flipped the PPT, three reasons why the National Party failed appeared.

"First, people are no longer interested in the spirit of liberal democracy. This is similar to why Acting President Won Okbun didn't collapse when attacked by Governor Cheong Jungyeop. Now, people don't care if the government is a military regime's puppet or if the Republican and Democratic parties collude, as long as they do a good job."

This is true. If the people had a bit more leeway, Won Okbun's approval rating would have plummeted. Just the three recordings of Won Okbun and Cha Jaegeun that Cheong Jungyeop's side released were enough. They were even quite convincing.

However, Won Okbun consistently claimed that she was dealing with Cha Jaegeun's implicit threats, and from that moment on, it became a matter of value judgment rather than factual judgment. In politics, what matters more is not what is true but what feels true.

Moreover, people were more enthusiastic about Won Okbun bringing back the North Korean nuclear bomb than about democratic legitimacy.

With media control, intentional extension of martial law, and backroom politics with Cha Jaegeun, it was clear that such things no longer resonated with the people.

In short, it was an era of nationalism over democracy, and pragmatism over principle.

It just became that kind of era.

"Second, Won Okbun's performance during her term was unexpectedly good. The government crisis was contained by the Chungcheong defense line, and Seoul was well protected by the hunters. Although roughly a few million people died, the defense minister and the joint chiefs of staff created an escape route early on."

This is also true. Of course, these achievements were not due to Won Okbun's competence, but in this field, any achievements or mistakes during one's term are attributed to oneself, whether they were done or not.

Also, the dead cannot vote, and most of the survivors were those who survived thanks to the Chungcheong defense line.

The biggest factor was the bold handling of the North Korean nuclear issue. Stealing the nuclear bomb with an awakened special unit certainly boosted the people's pride. Although it's still unknown how they did it, it was a remarkable feat.

"Finally, um..."

Lee Hojeong, with her sharp eyes, adjusted her round horn-rimmed glasses and asked me. She smiled confidently.

"What is the target of the National Party?"

"The established political circles."

"What is the starting point?"

"Everyone in the 12-member National Assembly except me."

"How many of them are still alive?"

Originally, there were four, but one disappeared politically due to the recording, and another died in the hospital.

In reality, everyone except me and Yang Panseok is dead.

"......Me and Representative Yang Panseok."

"Then, who should the National Party criticize now?"

"Exactly...?"

"There's no one, right?"

Lee Hojeong poked the screen with a yellow finger-shaped sponge stick she picked up somewhere. She read the slogan on the banner.

"Sorry, let me rephrase. The Defense Party has set its concept on reflection and proposing solutions, but the National Party is still only trying to trip up the Defense Party, so how can their support rate be maintained?"

"Hmm."

"Won Okbun brought back the North Korean nuclear bomb, but we are only criticizing people who are already dead, so it's pointless."

In fact, the impact of my distance from the National Party was more significant. However, Lee Hojeong tactfully omitted that part.

"......In conclusion, our party leadership doesn't know how to sell the name Han Seungmoon and has failed due to infighting."

Suddenly, I recalled a comment by Yang Panseok at this point.

- In this era, there shouldn't be an opposition party. Those who have run a party don't understand, but......

It was a story I heard after seeing Noah Lumiere off, but it perfectly matched the current situation.

Kim Jooin was an economic bureaucrat who had spent more time in the cabinet and the Blue House than in the National Assembly, and Cheong Jungyeop had never left Jeju Island throughout his political career.

Both were somewhat distant from central politics. To be precise, only such people gathered around me, and Yang Panseok knew this.

With this in mind, I asked:

"......Is the National Party slightly at a disadvantage now?"

"Since you joined with the hunters, it might be slightly in our favor. This hasn't been reflected in the current public opinion survey yet."

"......"

Yang Panseok always told me that this general election would be 50-50. If there were variables, the National Party would have a 60-40 advantage.

"Indeed, I..."

At this point, I felt that some force was guiding us.

Amid the chaos of various variables and power struggles, someone's political engineering was being meticulously put into place like a clockwork.

And,

"The spirits must be weeping. They must be weeping......"

I was already on the board.

The game begins once you realize you're on the board.

That's the difference between an NPC and a player, and between a piece and a rider.

I kept smiling and remained silent, so Lee Hojeong cautiously offered her opinion first.

"......The main target of the National Party is not the refugees in the capital region but the people in the south who still have enough leeway to talk about democracy. If we make plausible but slightly left-leaning comments to subtly undermine the Won Okbun administration-"

"No, Hojeong. I think we don't need to do anything."

"Huh?"

"The Defense Party is stronger than expected to make it a 50-50. So, the GM will balance it soon."

Lee Hojeong and Yang Ilho tilted their heads, wondering what bizarre thing I was saying.

"......Well, um. I, you know, think there's no coincidence in politics?"

That's my nature.

If a prophet appears and their predictions come true, I don't think the prophet predicted the future,

"Rather, I think it's more logical to believe that the prophet is behind all the events."

"......I don't really understand."

"I didn't say it to make you understand, so it's fine. Anyway, don't create variables by moving rashly-"

My phone vibrated and flashed.

The screen showed the name 'Minister Yoo Jae-kyung'.

I smiled.

"......Just follow the order."

*

"The mobilization of the reserve forces was clearly ordered by Acting President Won Okbun to boost her approval rating. Who is taking the blame and is in prison? The defense minister, right?"

"......"

"Acting President Won is using the cabinet and the military for her authority. If the cabinet and the military are swayed by the political needs in such a national crisis, the government could be paralyzed. This is what I am concerned about."

Minister Yoo Jae-kyung spoke very cautiously. Commander Kim Doo-sik, who was watching from the side, felt his blood run cold.

It was a conversation that would be disastrous if a recording were to leak. Han Seungmoon, sitting opposite, was fidgeting with the handle of his hiking stick and had an ambiguous expression.

As Han Seungmoon remained silent, Yoo Jae-kyung continued with a sheepish smile. Although he appeared calm, Kim Doo-sik could see that Yoo Jae-kyung was trembling under the table.

"Ha ha... This is a somewhat cautious statement, but we want the military and the cabinet to exercise independent authority. We are willing to make any effort for this-"

"Minister Yoo?"

Han Seungmoon's gentle smile made Yoo Jae-kyung freeze.

"What do you want me to do, sir?"

"Ah."

Kim Doo-sik couldn't follow the conversation but saw Yoo Jae-kyung's face turn pale, sensing something was wrong.

"Yes, yes? Ah, I, well... No. Um. Yes. Ah, um..."

Yoo Jae-kyung's attempt to make too many judgments at once caused him to freeze, and Han Seungmoon smiled as he watched, while Kim Doo-sik, sensing something was wrong, picked up a piece of meat from the table.

And.

The moment Yoo Jae-kyung decided to join Han Seungmoon's line, his words began to stutter.

"He said he wanted to create an extra."