Chapter 62

On June 2, 83-year-old East German President Wilhelm Pieck, despite his ailing body, convened a press conference, naming the riots in West Berlin the "Children's Day Tragedy." Wilhelm Pieck had rarely appeared in public over the past year, with many matters handled by Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Central Secretary Walter Ulbricht. Today, Wilhelm Pieck appeared again, but he could no longer speak fluently as he used to; instead, he had to pause and rest after each sentence, extending a ten-minute speech to half an hour.

"The three occupying powers in West Berlin must explain yesterday's bloody incident!" Wilhelm Pieck, trembling, stood up. At this moment, his frail body no longer shook, and his eyes became bright as he loudly declared, "The German Democratic Republic (GDR) must support the residents of West Berlin and demand that the occupying powers cease their suppression of the people!"

Later, Soviet First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev also spoke, agreeing with President Wilhelm Pieck's summary of the Children's Day Tragedy and strongly protesting the imperialist bloody suppression of West Berlin residents. He said, "On Children's Day, we joyfully celebrated the festival of the future of our country, and the whole world was immersed in a sea of happiness. In the capital of the GDR, Berlin, German children played with the children of comrades from various countries who came to aid in the construction of Berlin. But in the adjacent West Berlin, on the same day of International Children's Day, the police and military of the three occupying powers carried out a brutal massacre of unarmed civilians, fully exposing the true face of imperialism!"

Khrushchev's speech was published in Pravda and spread throughout the Soviet Union within a day. The Children's Day Tragedy in West Berlin became known throughout the Soviet Union, becoming a hot topic of discussion in towns, villages, enterprises, and government offices wherever Pravda reached. In the building of the People's Commissariat of Education in Kyiv, Ukraine, Pravda also became a focal point of discussion.

"Comrade Varya, have you heard? Many people died in West Berlin yesterday. Isn't your husband working in the State Security Committee? Do you know any inside information?" The speaker was the Minister of Primary Education, a woman in her forties. The proportion of women in the Ministry of Education was higher than in other departments, but the Minister of Education in Ukraine was still a man.

"Ah? The State Security Committee is disciplined; he won't reveal anything to me! Alya..." Varya explained to her curious colleague with a sense of apology.

"Oh? I thought you knew something?" Alya shook her head, unable to hide her disappointment. She was disappointed that her curiosity was not satisfied this time. She knew that Varya's husband was a KGB agent, and sometimes Varya would talk about KGB matters, but Varya was very careful not to involve important matters, which made Alya very uncomfortable.

After watching Alya leave, Varya slowly returned to her office, sat down, and carefully read the report in Pravda, not wanting to miss a single word. Her suspicious face couldn't help but break into a smile, "That's really your style, isn't it?"

Following the Soviet Union's stance, Bulgaria was the first to follow, and then Hungary, Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Albania all condemned the Children's Day Tragedy. The next day, Italy also expressed its stance. Italian Prime Minister and Communist Party General Secretary Palmiro Togliatti said, "The actions of the three occupying powers in Berlin are a disgrace to democracy. Fourteen years have passed since World War II, and West Berlin is still under the control of the occupying powers. The residents of West Berlin should be allowed to choose their own government to manage West Berlin!"

After Italy's statement, the Communist Parties in France, Greece, and other NATO countries expressed support for the Italian Communist Party's position. The World Federation of Democratic Youth and the International Democratic Women's Federation jointly issued a statement condemning the fascist behavior of the three occupying powers on International Children's Day.

More and more organizations joined the condemnation, and various forms of support and protest continuously flooded the headquarters of West Berlin, spreading through the loudspeakers on the Berlin Wall to the streets and alleys of West Berlin.

The three occupying powers issued a statement later, claiming that this was a premeditated riot in West Berlin, orchestrated by a small group of communists, and urged the residents of West Berlin to understand where the enemy was and not to be deceived by sweet talk. At the same time, British and French police and military forces were mobilized to maintain order in West Berlin.

However, the United States and Britain soon felt the sting of a backstab. The newly appointed de Gaulle government issued a statement: "The events in West Berlin have nothing to do with France. The French troops stationed in West Berlin did not participate in the suppression of the people at all. I believe no one saw French soldiers on the streets confronting Berlin residents, because our soldiers never went out!" said the spokesperson for the de Gaulle government.

Although French Communist Party General Secretary Maurice Thorez was at odds with de Gaulle, he supported the de Gaulle government on this issue, "While I have reservations about some of General de Gaulle's policies, France is undoubtedly on the side of justice in this matter. We do not consider political stance, only whether it is just!" Thorez's statement was widely reported by the French media.

The de Gaulle government's sudden change of stance dramatically shifted public opinion, creating a significant gap in the U.S.-controlled media. This development caught the United States and Britain off guard. With the support of the entire French nation, General de Gaulle announced that French ports would temporarily prohibit U.S. fleets from docking and withdrew the command of the French fleet from NATO. These orders were also widely supported by the French people, whose innate pride made them unwilling to bow even to the United States, symbolizing France's restoration of independence and autonomy.

After France's statement, the U.S. and British media, which had been pushing the narrative of Soviet infiltration in West Berlin, fell silent. They did not expect the newly appointed de Gaulle government to deal such a ruthless blow to the U.S. and Britain. Upon closer inspection, it seemed that the French troops in Berlin had indeed not been deployed, and even the West German newspapers began to shift their stance, which was not good news.

The two countries quickly adjusted their propaganda strategy. Domestic newspapers continued to emphasize that the Soviet Union had orchestrated the incident, while international editions toned down the rhetoric and stopped mentioning West Berlin, ignoring the socialist camp's criticism and ordering the three representatives in West Berlin to negotiate with the Soviet Union.

In a theater in East Berlin, Khrushchev was dancing gracefully, appearing calm and composed. This was a joint dance party organized by the Stasi and the KGB, a venue for the two countries' counterparts to interact. For the decades or even longer to come, the two organizations would continue to fight side by side.

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