Chapter 90 of 100
Chapter 90
5 min read1,179 words
"However, is it certain that China would win if it went to war with India? In terms of population and economy, India is not inferior to China. Moreover, in terms of geographical advantage, India is more capable of mobilizing and assembling its troops!" Gromyko calmly analyzed, "From any perspective, it doesn't seem like India would lose!"
To be honest, before the Sino-Indian War, Gromyko's thoughts were the general consensus! So his doubts were not at all surprising, and at that time, China did not have the overwhelming confidence to defeat everything! But this illusion was deadly. If it eventually turned into the Soviet Union pulling India and China into a confrontation with the United States, Khrushchev would have been ready to die. Such a weak ally was truly unmanageable, akin to Germany with Italy in World War II or Germany with the Austro-Hungarian Empire in World War I.
He did not believe that the Soviet Red Army's overwhelming confidence during the Brezhnev era had any basis! If a war broke out on both the eastern and western fronts, Khrushchev could only take his wife to develop socialism in Northern Europe.
"Let's consider the issue with the United States first. When I go to China, I will also communicate with the Chinese comrades! If we can maintain peace, that would be the best outcome, after all, the Soviet Union has good relations with both India and China!" Khrushchev summarized the current friction between China and India. From a global perspective, he did not want to abandon either China or India. If both countries maintained friendly relations with the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union's influence would naturally increase. However, Khrushchev knew that this was purely wishful thinking. Later events proved that the Soviet Union's view of India was a major mistake, and India even betrayed the Soviet Union during its dissolution.
"Comrade First Secretary, perhaps my thoughts are too dark, but I still believe that inciting war is more in line with the Soviet Union's interests!" Khrushchev, with his hands already stained with blood, did not care about further tarnishing his reputation, "If the Sino-Indian War follows my strategy, it should be a full-scale war! If China wins, we will condemn it through public opinion; if India wins, we will also condemn it through public opinion. We must position ourselves as fair and just!"
Khrushchev spoke with great impartiality, but it was actually useless. How could India possibly win? Before the Sino-Indian border war, it was generally believed that the war would end in a stalemate, but no one expected India to collapse so quickly that other countries couldn't even react.
This viewpoint was the result of careful consideration. Normally, he would not have the opportunity to propose how to handle such international issues. The relatively closed environment on the plane gave him this chance. Moreover, Khrushchev did not particularly favor either country; favoring or not favoring was useless, as India would lose anyway.
Khrushchev only hoped that India's loss would be more valuable. If the attention of China and the Soviet Union were diverted, India's defeat would be justified. Therefore, once India lost, it must cede territory, and the cession must be painful enough to completely shift to a fully adversarial relationship, which would divert China's attention and eliminate the Soviet Union's fear of China.
"Your viewpoint is quite novel. If the Chinese comrades knew you were plotting against them, they would certainly be angry, ha ha!" Khrushchev laughed heartily, as if he had thought of something amusing.
This would never happen! Khrushchev's actions were like giving a pillow to someone who is sleepy, a complete embodiment of internationalism.
For Khrushchev, Khrushchev's suggestions in this closed environment were not formal references. At most, they were topics for casual conversation. Khrushchev did not intend to change the First Secretary's thinking. He only hoped that when Khrushchev considered the issue, he would have an additional reference point. If Khrushchev remembered what Khrushchev said today, it would be considered a success.
After a long flight, on September 15, 1959, Khrushchev's special plane slowly landed at Andrews Air Force Base. When the crew opened the plane's door, Khrushchev, wearing a military uniform with medals, and his wife Nina Petrovna, slowly walked down the plane. Once Khrushchev and his wife reached the bottom of the plane, Foreign Minister Gromyko and Khrushchev came down. This was Khrushchev's first time setting foot on American soil. During Khrushchev's speech, Khrushchev stood behind him with his head held high, fulfilling his duty as the head of security.
"Everything at the airport is shining and bright. I must say that all the arrangements are of high taste, magnificent, and every detail is perfect. In short, the welcoming ceremony for a head of state has everything it should have, and I am very satisfied. Thank you, President Eisenhower and President Nixon, for your warm welcome!" Khrushchev gave an enthusiastic speech, and Gromyko clapped at appropriate times, while Khrushchev continued to maintain a deadpan expression.
Actually, compared to all the Soviets of this era, Khrushchev was the least interested in this visit. The so-called welcoming ceremony, military parade, and viewing of American development held no interest for him! For example, the honor guard at the airport did not attract his attention at all, nor did the modern skyscrapers of America.
Khrushchev was not being pretentious. In the future, in terms of urban construction and military parades, his original homeland was undoubtedly the undisputed first. So when he saw the Americans' welcoming ceremony, he glanced at it briefly and then lost interest, finding it somewhat outdated...
"Welcome, Mr. Khrushchev, to the United States. This is a friendly beginning!" Nixon glanced at Khrushchev, who stood behind him, and then the two walked past the honor guard.
The fifteen miles from the airport to Washington, D.C., were crowded with about 250,000 people. Khrushchev smiled and waved, seeing so many Americans for the first time. He tried to appear friendly, but from Khrushchev's perspective, it seemed to have little effect; the crowd seemed more interested in the spectacle.
Not long after, Khrushchev's entourage arrived at the White House. This was the first time Khrushchev, whom Nixon saw as a robot, had the opportunity to speak, "Mr. Nixon, there is only half a year left until the U.S. election! When will you, the Vice President, become the President? After you return, won't you want to investigate why the meeting with Dulles was leaked? But even if you investigate, you won't find anything..."
"Mr. Khrushchev seems very interested in our election. Are you very interested in American life?" Nixon countered without hesitation, "No problem, this time you can see all aspects of America..."
Khrushchev smiled mysteriously, closing the distance and whispered, "My point is, don't think that by lowering Khrushchev's voice in the kitchen debate on television, you will gain an advantage. Even if you gained some popularity from the kitchen debate, you will still lose this election..." After speaking, Khrushchev hung a meaningful smile, just like the last time he revealed the meeting between Nixon and Dulles.